Brexit
I have
now started gathering the documents I need to apply for French
citizenship. I have prevaricated over this and delayed, possibly too
long, thinking that the UK population would come to its senses and
Brexit would be reversed. I'm no longer so sure and clearly need an
insurance policy: French nationality.
I have
presumed that, if and when Brexit actually happens, little will
change during the transition period, which would give me until some
time in 2021 to obtain French nationality. The Prime Minister has
said she will guarantee retention of the existing rights of British
nationals in Europe after Brexit but her word is worth little given
the numerous U-turns, rethinks and double-thinks the government is
displaying. I simply have to hope that my assumption about having
until 2021 is correct. All my English friends and acquaintances here
seem to have come to the same conclusion and are engaged in the same
process or have already completed it.
That
decided I am trying to clarify my attitude to Brexit and to
understand better why I deplore it and believe it should be reversed.
I find there are several aspects, which I will explore here.
The
Referendum
The
first is the legitimacy of the referendum and its result, on which I
find several acquaintances (let alone a number of MPs) divided. On
the one hand is the fact that most MPs said before the referendum
that the result would be binding. On the other hand is the fact that
all the legislation enabling the referendum clearly states that there
is no way the result could be binding. Therein lies an anomaly and
people have to make a choice as to how to resolve it. If one chooses
to accept that the result is binding it cannot (by definition) be
classed as democratic, so the idea that the referendum result was a
democratic decision has to be false. It may nonetheless be accepted.
It may surprise some people that a free vote and its result can be
undemocratic but democracy is more complex than many people think.
If, on the other hand, one chooses to accept that it is not binding
there is a conflict with majority view in the UK's supreme democratic
body, Parliament. Anyone's decision cannot be other than a personal
choice and I, of course, refuse to accept the view that the result
should be binding. As an aside, this is simply one of a number of
anomalies regarding Brexit that can be decided only by personal
choice; if any rules could apply, they have yet to be written.
That is
a detail, albeit an important one. There is also the larger world
view, of the UK, the EU and the role that each may play in the
evolution of the global social and political picture. The EU has
made no secret of the fact that it seeks, in effect, to “homogenise”
Europe. That is, it will seek to iron out and reduce the differences
between the member states. The devil here is in the detail (which we
will come to next). The idea that the UK should in some respects
lose its national identity is understandably anathema to many
Britons: “hence “we want our country back”. The same, of
course, can be assumed to be true of every other EU member state.
Every other EU state must be expected to also want its country back
so the eventual compromise can only be a matter of negotiation (and
speculation).
The
Global View
Given
that stated aim of the EU, what is likely to be the social effect? My
take on this is focussed on what I believe to be a major question in
the UK: the wealth gap. Historically it can easily be demonstrated
that as the wealth gap increases so it leads to political instability
and extreme forms of government. This is already evident in the UK,
with extreme right and left wings vying for power and no one
apparently seeking the middle ground. Whatever the result of EU
social aims they must inevitably lead to reducing, over time, the
wealth gap in member states. There will, of course, be other social
effects of EU legislation, such as initiatives for a cleaner and
safer environment already enacted or in the pipeline, but exactly
what they will be is unknown at present as also is whether the UK
will do anything similar (and be able or choose to finance them).
In the
world view politically it must be clear that the UK will lose clout.
Whatever clout the UK has as a single, albeit important, nation it
must have less than it would have as a member of a 28-nation group
with much greater collective economic and demographic power. Does
the UK's global political influence matter? That is a matter of
personal preference but must surely rule out any idea of an
independent UK having more influence. Why would it?
Even
more important in my personal view are the advances in education,
science, research in all fields and security control that have been
achieved through pan-EU cooperation. The UK will automatically be
excluded from these at Brexit; re-inclusion will be only with consent
of the EU and may be denied, particularly in fields where the UK has
less to offer and more to gain.
The
Economics And Practicalities
I may
as well state right away that I believe Brexit will cause the UK to
be economically weaker. Such indeed was the opinion of virtually all
MPs prior to the referendum. For a start, the UK will have to
renegotiate as a single country some 50 trade agreements previously
agreed as one of a group of 28 countries. I cannot conceive of how
one of that group, not even the most powerful economically, can
obtain more favourable agreements than were obtained previously. So
I believe that UK must lose out to some extent here, even ignoring
the cost and time needed to renegotiate the agreements. Just the time
needed must put pressure on the UK to concede more; other states will
still have their agreements with the EU in place, they need just an
agreement with the UK alone. The UK will urgently need an agreement
with the other 50 or so states.
The
divorce bill has been variously estimated at between £30 and £50
billion. Whatever it eventually proves to be, the cost in terms of
increased civil service personnel must be the next most important.
Various numbers have been mooted, even the smallest in multiple
thousands, and increased border control can only add to them. This
is in the context of a public sector already reeling from the effects
of austerity cuts. The only certainty is that public sector costs
must rise significantly, to add to the divorce bill. And that will
coincide with a time when the UK must compete economically with rest
of the world at a disadvantage to its current position. So I can
only conclude that the UK will be significantly economically weaker.
One
other economic effect comes immediately to mind. All EU states
obviously want a safe environment (safe drinking water, clean
beaches, clear product labelling, etc). One benefit of the EU is
that legislation to effect all such measures has been negotiated by
the EU rather than each member state deciding it individually. The
cost savings per state are not negligible. The UK can take advantage
of such legislation on past issues but will have individually to
incur the cost of future legislation, or neglect to legislate.
There
are many other practicalities of course, the status of the Irish
border being just one important one of very many.
Conclusion
I've
already stated my personal conclusion: the Brexit decision should be
reversed. I think that although anyone can quibble with some of my
statements it would be difficult to substantiate any significant
disagreements to the broad conclusions; the only basis for
disagreement can be blind hope. Britain must end up poorer
economically and in terms of global political influence (and in many
other aspects in my view).
So why
wouldn't any reasonable Briton want the Brexit decision reversed? I
think there are two sticking points. One is anyone's personal choice
on the status of the referendum result. That is a personal choice
and not subject to argument. The other is trust in the EU, with
immigration control as a central issue.
Immigration
is a sensitive issue and the Leave campaigners successfully hid the
fact that the UK had many avenues for control open to it which it
simply chose not to use; the fault of the government rather than the
EU. Be that as it may, immigration remains an emotional and
ill-understood issue and could be a reason for maintaining a Leave
stance, despite the overwhelming evidence that the UK badly needs
immigration in one form or another. I doubt that the practicalities
of the precise control that Leavers would advocate have ever been
thought through by them. I've tried thinking them through and find
them impossibly complex, unmanageable. But I wrote “reasonable
person” as the test and this of all the issues seems largely to be
decided emotionally rather than rationally. It is, to an extent, an
emotional issue for me too. The racist and bigoted element which
exists in all societies has in the UK claimed Brexit as a “win”
for its views. Whatever is a “win” for its views is anathema to
me.
The
remaining question is whether belief in the EU, with all its faults
and unknowns, is a preferable bet to a seemingly bleak and perhaps
even more unknowable future outside it. That again is a personal
judgement, although the weight of evidence of what is known favours
remaining in the EU.
As I
said at the beginning I have started on the process of seeking French
nationality. I hope that if and when I obtain French nationality it
will facilitate my son and daughter gaining EU citizen status, should
they choose to do the same in the future.
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